Speech of the Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine Ruslan Stefanchuk, at the Third Parliamentary Summit of the International Crimea Platform
Dear Speaker of the Saeima, dear Daiga,
Dear Prime Minister,
Dear Minister of Foreign Affairs,
Dear participants of the Third Parliamentary Summit of the International Crimea Platform!
Dear colleagues,
Ladies and gentlemen,
First, I would like to sincerely thank our Latvian friends and partners for initiating and hosting the Third Parliamentary Summit of the International Crimea Platform, and for the successful preparation and excellent organization of our Forum.
Let me also express my gratitude to the Speakers of the Croatian and Czech Parliaments: Gordan Jandroković, Markéta Pekarová Adamová, and Miloš Vystrčil, who are here with us today, for successfully hosting the previous two summits in Zagreb and Prague.
I am pleased to note that the circle of hosts of the parliamentary dimension of the Crimea Platform has expanded today, with Latvia, a close and friendly nation, taking its place.
Latvia knows well the suffering of the Crimean Tatar people, who, 80 years ago, were forcibly deported from Crimea to remote regions of the Soviet Union by Joseph Stalin in just three days.
Latvia itself endured Soviet and russian occupation, deportation, and repression.
Dear friends,
If you haven’t yet visited the Museum of the Occupation of Latvia in Riga, I highly recommend it.
I am still deeply moved by its exhibits.
As you walk through the museum, you feel the icy chill emanating from the times of occupation and two waves of deportation. You hear the weary voices struggling to emerge from old photographs and see the indescribable pain in the eyes of tortured but unbroken Latvians.
When you navigate the labyrinths of history and human fates within the museum, you realize that the occupation of Latvia, the deportation of the Crimean Tatar people, and russia's current aggression against Ukraine are links in the same chain of russian hatred and impunity.
Unpunished evil in the past manifests itself today. Unpunished evil today will inevitably show itself in the future. And the only question is when?
For the third consecutive year, we are gathering at the Parliamentary Summit of the International Crimea Platform.
It has been ten years since the occupation of Crimea began. Despite russia's occupying authorities doing everything in their power over these ten years to turn Crimea into a military stronghold, change its ethnic composition, and sow fear and submission among the people, Crimea has not drifted an inch from Ukraine.
In fact, it has become even closer, more cherished, and more desired. We will never give up Crimea, just as we will never abandon any part of Ukrainian land temporarily occupied by the aggressor. For us, the liberation of Crimea has no alternative.
It is our land, and our people live there. People like Nariman Dzhelyal, our Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar hero, who survived the horrors of russian prisons and whom we managed to rescue from russia's clutches.
Today, we are joined by other proud sons and daughters of the Crimean Tatar people, such as Refat Chubarov, Akhtem Chiygoz, Tamila Tasheva, and many other remarkable individuals.
Please join me in applauding Nariman Dzhelyal, freed from russian captivity just four months ago, as well as the entire Crimean Tatar people, who dream of liberation from russian oppression and living in Ukraine free from occupation.
Furthermore, the Crimean Tatar people dream of justice being restored, a justice that should be embodied in the recognition of their deportation as an act of genocide, as has already been done by the parliaments of Latvia, Lithuania, Canada, and Estonia.
I would ask you to consider following these countries' examples by adopting similar resolutions in your parliaments.
Dear Summit participants,
The fight to return Crimea is an integral part of Ukraine's struggle for its freedom and independence.
Allow me to outline the priorities of this fight, especially where we need your support the most.
I ask each of you to advocate for increased military support for Ukraine. Ukrainian cities need air defense systems. We need to finally close our skies and protect our citizens.
I ask you to support granting permission to Ukraine’s neighboring EU and NATO countries to shoot down enemy missiles and drones that reach Ukraine's western borders.
It is crucial to remove any restrictions on the provision and use of long-range weapons against legitimate military targets on Russian territory. We are also awaiting additional decisions on the supply of F-16 aircraft.
With winter approaching, we are asking for support for Ukraine’s energy sector.
Sanction pressure on the aggressor must be intensified, and no loopholes for circumventing sanctions should be left.
The agressor must be held accountable for all the crimes it has committed, and this requires international legal mechanisms. Establishing an International Compensation Mechanism to address the damages caused by the aggressor must also be a priority.
Dear colleagues,
Ukraine continues its fight but dreams of peace. In all international forums, we advocate for President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s Peace Formula. This year, significant steps were taken toward its implementation.
The first Peace Summit, held this June, sent a clear signal to russia that the global community does not support its aggressive war against Ukraine.
All Summit participants supported Ukraine’s territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders.
A decisive moment in the war is now approaching. Ukraine has a clear vision of how to achieve a turning point in this war.
Last week, in the Ukrainian Parliament, the President of Ukraine presented the Victory Plan. Allow me to present it to you.
First, we expect Ukraine to be invited to join NATO soon. The mere fact of such an invitation could become foundational for peace and demonstrate to the russian aggressor that its geopolitical calculations have failed. This is the starting point of the Victory Plan.
Second, strengthening Ukraine's defense. This involves the continuation of defense operations and the destruction of russia’s offensive capabilities on occupied territories.
The third point is deterring the aggressor. The occupant must understand the futility of further advances, and for this, we propose placing a comprehensive non-nuclear strategic deterrence package on our territory.
The fourth point concerns strategic economic potential. Ukraine possesses rich deposits of critical resources. We propose that our strategic partners enter into a special agreement on the joint protection, investment, and use of the country’s critical resources.
Finally, the fifth point is aimed at post-war implementation. This point envisions Ukraine’s integration into Europe’s defense system.
We will be ready to provide Europe with highly professional, motivated, and experienced Ukrainian units.
I ask you, esteemed Summit participants, to support Ukraine’s Victory Plan, as we have—Ukrainian parliamentarians, many of whom are present here today.
Dear friends,
Ukraine continues its fight for freedom and independence. For Crimea and Donbas, Sumy and Kherson, Kharkiv and Zaporizhzhia. Every day, every hour, every minute.
Last night, once again, russian missiles and Iranian Shahed drones took Ukrainian lives.
To understand what my fellow citizens feel, I urge you to install, for just one day, the air raid alert apps used in any part of Ukraine. Every day, every hour, every minute.
Two nuclear-armed nations and one on the verge of developing nuclear weapons are fighting against Ukraine.
One of these states simply wants to erase us from the face of the earth. Another manufactures, perfects, and supplies it with deadly Shahed drones. And the third sends its soldiers to Ukraine to kill us.
Once again, I ask you to unite even more in helping Ukraine, for it is not only about us. It is about you. It is about how the world will live and develop in the coming decades. Will it meekly follow the path of tyranny, or will it choose the triumph of law, democracy, and justice? I want to ask each of you: can't the democratic world not protect a country that so desperately wants to be part of it? Are we truly unable to stand together against aggression? Is democracy weaker than tyranny? Ukraine and Ukrainians need answers to these painful yet vital questions more than ever before.
Thank you for your attention!